The Federalist Society is hosting a talk on originalism by Northwestern lawprof John McGinnis, and I'll be offering a bit of commentary. The stated time of the end of of this event is actually 10 minutes after my 80-minute Constitutional Law class begins, and, of course, I must begin on the dot. I will not resort to prayer. I'm going entirely on preparation, nerve, and slipping out 11 minutes before the stated end time.
Showing posts with label Federalist Society. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Federalist Society. Show all posts
Thursday, March 5, 2009
Now, worldly things call me.
I have an intimidating amount of work this morning.

The Federalist Society is hosting a talk on originalism by Northwestern lawprof John McGinnis, and I'll be offering a bit of commentary. The stated time of the end of of this event is actually 10 minutes after my 80-minute Constitutional Law class begins, and, of course, I must begin on the dot. I will not resort to prayer. I'm going entirely on preparation, nerve, and slipping out 11 minutes before the stated end time.
The Federalist Society is hosting a talk on originalism by Northwestern lawprof John McGinnis, and I'll be offering a bit of commentary. The stated time of the end of of this event is actually 10 minutes after my 80-minute Constitutional Law class begins, and, of course, I must begin on the dot. I will not resort to prayer. I'm going entirely on preparation, nerve, and slipping out 11 minutes before the stated end time.
Saturday, November 17, 2007
Is Rudy Giuliani on a mission from God?
WaPo's Robert Barnes wrote about Rudy Giuliani's speech to the Federalist Society this way:
There are several questions this raises:
1. Does the politician deserve this characterization?
2. If so, is the politician sincere, or is he wooing the people who like religion in politics?
3. If the former, do we like or at least accept religion in politics?
4. If the latter, is it unremarkable ordinary politics or something that should worry us?
To answer question #1, we can look at the text of the Giuliani speech:
Look how he goes on after saying "Of course the shining city upon a hill was the great reference that Ronald Reagan used bringing up the words of John Winthrop....":
That's short enough that you could miss it — especially if there's static in you mental facilities when you hear religious things — but Giuliani is not expressing a personal belief that America's role in the world is "divinely inspired."
In a way, he is saying it without saying it, and therefore signaling to people who want to hear it. That one word — "even" — carries a lot of weight in my analysis. But it's there and it means that he has not said he thinks America's role is "divinely inspired."
So the answer to Question #1 is: probably not. Since I'm not giving a definite no, we should go on to Questions 2 and 3 or 4. I'll leave that to you for now.
The former mayor said the country plays a "divinely inspired role'' motivated by "ideas and idealism.''I want to expand on a point I noted yesterday. Barnes is doing something to Giuliani that is often done to Bush — making it seem as though religion generates and controls his political ideology.
"It was this nation that saved the world from the two great tyrannies of the 20th Century--Nazism and communism," Giuliani said. "It's this country that is going to save civilzation [sic] from Islamic terrorism.''
There are several questions this raises:
1. Does the politician deserve this characterization?
2. If so, is the politician sincere, or is he wooing the people who like religion in politics?
3. If the former, do we like or at least accept religion in politics?
4. If the latter, is it unremarkable ordinary politics or something that should worry us?
To answer question #1, we can look at the text of the Giuliani speech:
The theme of this conference is “Shining City Upon a Hill: American Exceptionalism.” Of course the shining city upon a hill was the great reference that Ronald Reagan used bringing up the words of John Winthrop....So Giuliani is speaking at a conference with a title that is a religion reference. In 1630, John Winthrop wrote a sermon for the Puritans as they were arriving in the New World:
For we must consider that we shall be as a City upon a hill. The eyes of all people are upon us. Soe that if we shall deal falsely with our God in this work we have undertaken, and so cause him to withdraw his present help from us, we shall be made a story and a byword throughout the world.This is a reference to the Jesus' Sermon on the Mount, Matthew 5:13-14:
You are the light of the world. A city that is set on a hill cannot be hidden. Nor do they light a lamp and put it under a basket, but on a lampstand, and it gives light to all who are in the house. Let your light so shine before men, that they may see your good works and glorify your Father in heaven.Many politicians have invoked Winthrop's sermon over the years, including John Adams, Abraham Lincoln, John F. Kennedy, Michael Dukakis, Walter Mondale, Bill Clinton, John Kerry, Wesley Clark, and Howard Dean. But Giuliani names Ronald Reagan. He's speaking to a conservative group, making a political speech, and connecting his remarks to the theme of the conference. If it were a liberal group, I think we'd see John Kennedy's name in this part of the speech.
Look how he goes on after saying "Of course the shining city upon a hill was the great reference that Ronald Reagan used bringing up the words of John Winthrop....":
... but the American exceptionalism is also a very, very important part of that theme. There are some people I think nowadays that doubt that America has a special, even a divinely inspired role in the world. Now I don’t understand how you can look at history and not see the wisdom of that and the reality of it.Here we see the phrase Barnes quoted. Clearly, Giuliani is disparaging those who don't believe that America has a special role to play in the world. But he doesn't say that this is necessarily a "divinely inspired" role. He says "a special, even a divinely inspired role," which means it's certainly a "special" role and one might "even" think that role is "divinely inspired."
That's short enough that you could miss it — especially if there's static in you mental facilities when you hear religious things — but Giuliani is not expressing a personal belief that America's role in the world is "divinely inspired."
In a way, he is saying it without saying it, and therefore signaling to people who want to hear it. That one word — "even" — carries a lot of weight in my analysis. But it's there and it means that he has not said he thinks America's role is "divinely inspired."
So the answer to Question #1 is: probably not. Since I'm not giving a definite no, we should go on to Questions 2 and 3 or 4. I'll leave that to you for now.
Friday, November 16, 2007
Among the Federalists.
"We thought we had planted a wildflower in the weeds of academic liberalism. Instead it was an oak, " said Antonin Scalia last night at the celebration of the 25th anniversary of the Federalist Society.
President Bush spoke too:
"Islamic terrorism" — good or bad phrase?
"The only time in her career she's ever decided anything should be decided on a state by state basis" — really?
ADDED: Here's the full text of the Giuliani speech. Let's see "divinely inspired role" in context:
President Bush spoke too:
"Senate confirmation is part of the Constitution's checks and balances. But it was never intended to be a license to ruin the good name that a nominee has worked a lifetime to build," Bush said.Rudolph W. Giuliani spoke to the group today.
He also said many qualified lawyers had "politely declined" judicial nominations "because of the ugliness, uncertainty and delay that now characterizes the confirmation process."
He professed his affinity for judges who see the Constitution for "what it is, not what they want it to be.'' He denounced the Senate confirmation process that denied a Supreme Court seat to former Judge Robert Bork and became an "attempted character assassination'' of Justice Clarence Thomas. He promised to nominate justices such as Thomas--and Antonin Scalia, John G. Roberts Jr and Samuel A. Alito Jr...."Divinely inspired role" — good or bad phrase?
Giuliani said Hillary Rodham Clinton should have been invited, since she is "one of the newest federalists." He was referring to what he said was her position that driver's licenses for illegal immigrants was something to be decided by each state.
"This is the only time in her career she's ever decided anything should be decided on a state by state basis," he said, to laughter from the crowd. "And you know something? She picked absolutely the wrong one.''...
The former mayor said the country plays a "divinely inspired role'' motivated by "ideas and idealism.''
"It was this nation that saved the world from the two great tyrannies of the 20th Century--Nazism and communism," Giuliani said. "It's this country that is going to save civilzation [sic] from Islamic terrorism.''
"Islamic terrorism" — good or bad phrase?
"The only time in her career she's ever decided anything should be decided on a state by state basis" — really?
ADDED: Here's the full text of the Giuliani speech. Let's see "divinely inspired role" in context:
The theme of this conference is “Shining City Upon a Hill: American Exceptionalism.” Of course the shining city upon a hill was the great reference that Ronald Reagan used bringing up the words of John Winthrop, but the American exceptionalism is also a very, very important part of that theme. There are some people I think nowadays that doubt that America has a special, even a divinely inspired role in the world. Now I don’t understand how you can look at history and not see the wisdom of that and the reality of it.
Most countries on earth developed out of a single ethnicity, a single religion, some common characteristic that bound people together before they were even a nation. America is very, very different. We’re not a single ethnicity, we’re all ethnicities. We’re not a single race, we’re all races. We’re not a single religion. We were established so that we wouldn’t be a single religion. So we’re very different in our origins than just about any other country on earth. We’re united because of ideas and ideals. That’s what holds us together. That’s the thing that makes America America, makes Americans Americans—shared ideas....
American exceptionalism isn’t a debate, it’s not something we should be arrogant about where we say, “Oh, we’re very, very special.” We’re just very, very fortunate and when we don’t recognize that, I don’t think we do justice to our background and to what’s expected of us.
... America established this constitutional democratic government in the form of a republic and it was the nation that from the very beginning saw that tyranny and oppression is something that was illegitimate and had to be dealt with. It was this nation that saved the world from the two great tyrannies of the 20th century, Nazism and Communism. It’s this country that’s going to save a civilization from Islamic terrorism.
Tuesday, September 18, 2007
Jeffrey Toobin on the 3 most important revelations in his new book "The Nine: Inside the Secret World of the Supreme Court."
"[A]t descending levels of specificity."
Inside the Secret World of the Supreme Court -- that's the subtitle -- so this better be pretty revealing.
Where's my Secret World?
But wait. Toobin had "interviews with the justices themselves" -- the dust jacket says. Asked about that, he says he won't say how many of the justices he interviewed. And he says some of the law clerks told him to go to hell. So that's something from the Secret World. Attempts by Toobin to gain access are met with curses.
And he did talk to Sandra Day O'Connor, albeit from outside the Secret World. Per Toobin, she's "appalled" at the Roberts Court.
Inside the Secret World of the Supreme Court -- that's the subtitle -- so this better be pretty revealing.
The theme of the book – not exactly a revelation, I suppose – is the growth of the conservative movement and its effect on the Court.Right: That is in no way a revelation.
I start with the birth of the Federalist Society shortly after President Reagan’s election and show how young conservatives like John Roberts and Samuel Alito were drawn to Washington and flourished there. To see that story spelled out over twenty-five years was – to me, anyway – a revelation.That's not inside the Supreme Court either. (Where, I've heard tell, it's a secret world.)
Second, the book contains the first detailed, behind-the-scenes reconstruction of what happened at the Court during Bush v. Gore – a case which obsesses and fascinates me. As time passes, I believe the significance of the case cannot be overstated.Hey, I feel like I already read that book by Jeffrey Toobin. It looked like this. How can this possibly be the "first" anything about Bush v. Gore? Specify a revelation. Jeffrey Toobin has realized, with the passage of time, that the case is really, really, incredibly important, even more important than the last time he wrote a book about it. That may be a revelation, but it's a revelation about the inside of Jeffrey Toobin's head, not the inside of the Supreme Court.
Where's my Secret World?
Third, I disclose that David Souter nearly resigned in protest over Bush v. Gore. That story, in one way, illustrates the magnitude of the case.That's it! That is the nugget from the inner sanctum. David Souter nearly resigned. Because if he had actually resigned, it wouldn't have been a secret. Good thing he thought twice and kept his seat, because otherwise there wouldn't have been any news from the Secret World.
But wait. Toobin had "interviews with the justices themselves" -- the dust jacket says. Asked about that, he says he won't say how many of the justices he interviewed. And he says some of the law clerks told him to go to hell. So that's something from the Secret World. Attempts by Toobin to gain access are met with curses.
And he did talk to Sandra Day O'Connor, albeit from outside the Secret World. Per Toobin, she's "appalled" at the Roberts Court.
Monday, May 14, 2007
Chris Wallace asks Giuliani about his statement that it's "okay" if Roe is overruled and "okay" if it's not -- but doesn't push him on his answer.
Yesterday, on "Fox News Sunday," Chris Wallace invited Rudy Giuliani to clarify what he'd said at the Republican debate on the subject of abortion, that it would be "okay" if Roe v. Wade were overruled and "okay" if it were not. How could be be so "indifferent" on a subject most Americans are so passionate about?
Here's what Wallace actually asked at this point: "But would you personally be disappointed?" What's that, the old "how does it make you feel" question? What difference does it make if he's "personally ... disappointed"? We're not electing a National Oprah to feel for us.
Giuliani, to his credit, essentially tells Wallace that's a lame question:
But again, I would want to say: Yes, about that partial birth abortion ban -- it is a federal statute, applicable in all the states, now, is it? How does that jibe with your enthusiasm for our federal system? And to make it interesting: Will you choose the kind of Supreme Court justices who, like Clarence Thomas, would find significant constitutional limitations on Congress's power? Do you think the Constitution reserves legislative power to the states on the subject of abortion? If Roe were overruled, would you veto any bill that intrudes on this power, whether it limits abortion or grants abortion rights?
Wallace allows Giuliani to go on generically about how one ought to want good judges and not use a "litmus test" about abortion.
I'm very, very passionate about abortion and the whole issue of abortion. But it leads me to a conclusion that may be different than some, the same as others, which is I oppose it. That's a principle I've held forever, and I'll hold it forever. That's not going to change.Wallace is a softball interviewer. He does not push Giuliani with what is a crucial question here. This is what I would have asked: But can't Congress regulate abortion? The Supreme Court just upheld a federal statute limiting abortion. If there can be federal statutes, without federal abortion rights, we could end up with a federal ban on abortions, a federal murder statute. How can you assure us that the states would make the decision?
But I also believe that in a society like ours, where people have very, very different consciences about this, it's best for us to respect each other's differences and allow for choice.
So with regard to Roe against Wade, since I'm seeking the presidency of the United States and my view is that there shouldn't be a litmus test on Roe against Wade, it seems to me the best position to take is I don't want a litmus test for judges.
We didn't want Justice Roberts or Justice Alito to answer that question. They both answered that question they would consider it, they would look at it.
I'm going to select strict constructionist judges. They're free to take a look at Roe against Wade, take a look at the limitations. But I believe I should leave it to them to decide that.
WALLACE: But just to revise your answer last week, then, you personally, supporting choice, would not feel it's OK if the Supreme Court...
GIULIANI: What I meant to convey — if I didn't convey it correctly, I'll convey it again. The country could handle it. I mean, the country — we've got a federal system. What would happen is states would make decisions.
We're already doing that with the Hyde amendment. Federal funds for abortion are limited. States make their own decisions.
Here's what Wallace actually asked at this point: "But would you personally be disappointed?" What's that, the old "how does it make you feel" question? What difference does it make if he's "personally ... disappointed"? We're not electing a National Oprah to feel for us.
Giuliani, to his credit, essentially tells Wallace that's a lame question:
I don't think it's a question of being disappointed or being happy about it. I think it's a question of not wanting to make this a litmus test for judges, so that a judge feels free to listen to the facts, listen to the arguments, and come to the decision they think is the correct interpretation of the Constitution.This is the right way to answer the bad question. The key abortion-related job for the President is nominating Supreme Court justices, and he should give us confidence that he will select individuals who deserve and can be trusted with the vast power they will have in their hands.
Some strict constructionist judges are going to decide it was wrongly decided. Other strict constructionist judges may give more weight to the precedential value of it, the fact that it's been the law for this length of time.
And if you read Justice Kennedy's opinion for the court in the partial birth abortion ban, you can see the tension there between these two things. And I think the court should be allowed to decide this.
But again, I would want to say: Yes, about that partial birth abortion ban -- it is a federal statute, applicable in all the states, now, is it? How does that jibe with your enthusiasm for our federal system? And to make it interesting: Will you choose the kind of Supreme Court justices who, like Clarence Thomas, would find significant constitutional limitations on Congress's power? Do you think the Constitution reserves legislative power to the states on the subject of abortion? If Roe were overruled, would you veto any bill that intrudes on this power, whether it limits abortion or grants abortion rights?
Wallace allows Giuliani to go on generically about how one ought to want good judges and not use a "litmus test" about abortion.
I would consider the following about a judge. Are they someone who interprets the Constitution rather than legislates? Are they someone who seeks the meaning of the words of the Constitution?This is safe territory for Giuliani. Pointing to Laurence Silberman's opinion -- which you can read about here -- was a nice touch, a nice way to convey the sense that what you want from a court is pure quality and competence that will allow it operate independently from personal or political opinion.
A decision like Judge Silberman's decision in the D.C. Circuit is the kind of decision I'd point to where he found a constitutional right to bear arms, went way, way back to the framers, to the Federalist Papers, tried to figure out what did they mean when they put those words in the Constitution that the people have a right to bear arms.
That's the kind of judge I would want. I might not agree on every decision they make, but that's the kind of judge I would appoint.
Friday, December 15, 2006
Where I was when I was out of my milieu.
You know me, I'm usually here in my remote outpost in Madison, Wisconsin, and I'm glad to be back home again. As my previous post hints, I was severely out of my milieu in Chicago. I was participating in a Liberty Fund conference that involved six hour-and-a-half discussion sessions, all focused on readings by or about the writings of Frank S. Meyer, who wrote a book called "In Defense of Freedom," which is an attempt to fuse libertarianism and traditionalism. I might write more about what was in these readings, but let's just say it took the extreme position about limiting government as much as possible.
Sitting around a big table, with no audience, there were 16 of us, including Meyer's son, Eugene S. Meyer (the President of the Federalist Society), several journalists (two from Reason magazine and Jonah Goldberg from the National Review), and various academics all of whom seemed to feel well at home in the libertarian/conservative environment. Would you have imagined that your humble blogger felt cozy and comfortable there? Oh, no, no, no, no. Virtually every word out of my mouth was an observation about something no one was talking about and that would -- back in Madison, Wisconsin -- have been said at the earliest possible moment. So there I was, the resident liberal.
I am struck -- you may think it is absurd for me to be suddenly struck by this -- but I am struck by how deeply and seriously libertarians and conservatives believe in their ideas. I'm used to the way lefties and liberals take themselves seriously and how deeply they believe. Me, I find true believers strange and -- if they have power -- frightening. And my first reaction is to doubt that they really do truly believe.
One of the reasons 9/11 had such a big impact on me is that it was such a profound demonstration of the fact that these people are serious. They really believe.
I need to be more vigilant.
Sitting around a big table, with no audience, there were 16 of us, including Meyer's son, Eugene S. Meyer (the President of the Federalist Society), several journalists (two from Reason magazine and Jonah Goldberg from the National Review), and various academics all of whom seemed to feel well at home in the libertarian/conservative environment. Would you have imagined that your humble blogger felt cozy and comfortable there? Oh, no, no, no, no. Virtually every word out of my mouth was an observation about something no one was talking about and that would -- back in Madison, Wisconsin -- have been said at the earliest possible moment. So there I was, the resident liberal.
I am struck -- you may think it is absurd for me to be suddenly struck by this -- but I am struck by how deeply and seriously libertarians and conservatives believe in their ideas. I'm used to the way lefties and liberals take themselves seriously and how deeply they believe. Me, I find true believers strange and -- if they have power -- frightening. And my first reaction is to doubt that they really do truly believe.
One of the reasons 9/11 had such a big impact on me is that it was such a profound demonstration of the fact that these people are serious. They really believe.
I need to be more vigilant.
Tuesday, October 3, 2006
Debate on the marriage amendment.
The Federalist Society is hosting a debate on "The Constitutionality of Wisconsin's Gay Marriage Amendment" tonight at 7 in Room 2260 here at the University of Wisconsin Law School. This is open to Wisconsin students and faculty. The speakers are Political Science Professor Howard Schweber and ADF Litigator Jordan Lorence. If I have time, I'll attend and blog.
UPDATE: I didn't attend. If you did, tell us about it in the comments.
UPDATE: I didn't attend. If you did, tell us about it in the comments.
Monday, July 25, 2005
Petite scandalette or nothing at all?
Are we so starved for a scandal that we're biting at anything? Or does Judge Roberts' professed inability to remember that he was on the Federalist Society steering committee in 1997-1998 actually matter?
Saturday, May 7, 2005
Maureen Dowd's chimeras.
Maureen Dowd riffs on the idea of the chimera -- a mythological monster combining parts of different animals. She notes but doesn't seem to take any position on the fears about research that combines human stem cells with animal embryos, then moves on to the place that she usually moves on to: criticizing Republicans.
First, the two Bush wars:
I would have thought that the need to combine small factions into a larger party to achieve national power is a source of moderation.
Time to reread The Federalist, Number 10:
UPDATE: Here's Captain Ed's reaction to Dowd's column. One point:
And let me add that the whole fear of the chimera struck me as awfully similar to old racist fears about "miscegenation." Just substitute "mongrel" -- as in "mongrelization of the races" -- for the fancy-schmancy word "chimera." The horror of mixing divergent lines? It's a rather ugly metaphor.
First, the two Bush wars:
President Bush's experiments in Afghanistan and Iraq created his own chimeras, by injecting feudal and tribal societies with the cells of democracy, and blending warring factions and sects. Some of the forces unleashed are promising; others are frightening.And then the party itself:
The Republican Party is now a chimera, too, a mutant of old guard Republicans, who want government kept out of our lives, and evangelical Christians, who want government to legislate religion into our lives.Is the scary thing she's perceiving the combination of different things or the components that she would disapprove of whether they were in solo form or not?
But exploiting God for political ends has set off powerful, scary forces in America: a retreat on teaching evolution, most recently in Kansas; fights over sex education, even in the blue states and blue suburbs of Maryland; a demonizing of gays; and a fear of stem cell research, which could lead to more of a "culture of life" than keeping one vegetative woman hooked up to a feeding tube.
Even as scientists issue rules on chimeras in labs, a spine-tingling he-monster with the power to drag us back into the pre-Darwinian dark ages is slouching around Washington. It's a fire-breathing creature with the head of W., the body of Bill Frist and the serpent tail of Tom DeLay.
I would have thought that the need to combine small factions into a larger party to achieve national power is a source of moderation.
Time to reread The Federalist, Number 10:
AMONG the numerous advantages promised by a well constructed Union, none deserves to be more accurately developed than its tendency to break and control the violence of faction....To bring it back to Dowd's genetic metaphor: let's remember the good of hybrid vigor and the disadvantages of inbreeding. Politically, inclusion, diversity, and assimilation seem to work better than exclusion and the enforcement of ideological purity. Is it any wonder the Republicans have outplayed the Democrats recently?
The smaller the society, the fewer probably will be the distinct parties and interests composing it; the fewer the distinct parties and interests, the more frequently will a majority be found of the same party; and the smaller the number of individuals composing a majority, and the smaller the compass within which they are placed, the more easily will they concert and execute their plans of oppression. Extend the sphere, and you take in a greater variety of parties and interests; you make it less probable that a majority of the whole will have a common motive to invade the rights of other citizens; or if such a common motive exists, it will be more difficult for all who feel it to discover their own strength, and to act in unison with each other. Besides other impediments, it may be remarked, that where there is a consciousness of unjust or dishonorable purposes, a communication is always checked by distrust, in proportion to the number whose concurrence is necessary....
The influence of factious leaders may kindle a flame within their particular States, but will be unable to spread a general conflagration through the other States: a religious sect, may degenerate into a political faction in a part of the Confederacy; but the variety of sects dispersed over the entire face of it, must secure the national Councils against any danger from that source: a rage for paper money, for an abolition of debts, for an equal division of property, or for any other improper or wicked project, will be less apt to pervade the whole body of the Union, than a particular member of it; in the same proportion as such a malady is more likely to taint a particular county or district, than an entire State.
UPDATE: Here's Captain Ed's reaction to Dowd's column. One point:
Dowd's argument is that democracy somehow is not only foreign to Arabs, but unnatural -- about as racist an argument that the New York Times has allowed in its editorial pages in decades.
And let me add that the whole fear of the chimera struck me as awfully similar to old racist fears about "miscegenation." Just substitute "mongrel" -- as in "mongrelization of the races" -- for the fancy-schmancy word "chimera." The horror of mixing divergent lines? It's a rather ugly metaphor.
Wednesday, April 6, 2005
Two noon talks.
Volokh Conspirator Jim Lindgren will give a talk at the UW Law School at noon today. The subject is the academic fraud controversy about the book Arming America. The Federalist Society is hosting the event and providing free food. Room 3247.
Alternatively, you can go to the Lubar Faculty Library at 12:15 today and hear William B. Turner giver a talk titled "Lobbying the Supreme Court: The Case of Ronald Reagan and Anthony Kennedy on Lesbian/Gay Civil Rights." (One conclusion: "Reagan was more a libertarian than a traditionalist conservative with respect to lesbian/gay civil rights.")
Both sound interesting. I'm going to the Lindgren talk.
UPDATE: Jim Lindgren gave a scintillating talk. Quite aside from the specific problem of Michael Bellesiles's book, which he dissected, it made me worry about all scholarship -- about whether there is a much more general sort of behavior -- not just among historians, but among all academics -- of embracing and protecting those who say what they want to believe is true.
ANOTHER UPDATE: My colleague Gordon Smith was at the talk too. Here are his comments.
Alternatively, you can go to the Lubar Faculty Library at 12:15 today and hear William B. Turner giver a talk titled "Lobbying the Supreme Court: The Case of Ronald Reagan and Anthony Kennedy on Lesbian/Gay Civil Rights." (One conclusion: "Reagan was more a libertarian than a traditionalist conservative with respect to lesbian/gay civil rights.")
Both sound interesting. I'm going to the Lindgren talk.
UPDATE: Jim Lindgren gave a scintillating talk. Quite aside from the specific problem of Michael Bellesiles's book, which he dissected, it made me worry about all scholarship -- about whether there is a much more general sort of behavior -- not just among historians, but among all academics -- of embracing and protecting those who say what they want to believe is true.
ANOTHER UPDATE: My colleague Gordon Smith was at the talk too. Here are his comments.
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